[sixties-l] Inside the mind of the SLAs James Kilgore (fwd)

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Date: Sun Nov 24 2002 - 17:54:51 EST

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    Date: Fri, 22 Nov 2002 14:43:46 -0800
    From: radtimes <resist@best.com>
    Subject: Inside the mind of the SLAs James Kilgore

    Inside the mind of the SLA's James Kilgore


    November 13 2002
    By Tony Weaver

    Terrorist or compassionate humanist, wild-eyed revolutionary or a
    deep-thinking philosopher? Which description fits James Kilgore, alias Dr
    John Pape, the University of Cape Town academic arrested on Friday on
    charges of being a member of the Symbionese Liberation Army?

    By all accounts, it is the compassionate humanist tag that fits best, a
    "champion of the poor", an intellectual devoted to the struggle for
    workers' rights.

    James Kilgore was an unlikely recruit to the Symbionese Liberation Army.
    The group, which was active in California during the heyday of the Sixties
    and early Seventies - from 1967 to 1975 - had as their slogan "death to the
    fascist insect that preys upon the life of the poor".

    Their symbol, a seven-headed cobra, represented "unity, self-determination,
    collective work and responsibility, co-operative production, purpose,
    creativity and faith". The SLA's manifesto said "the name Symbionese is
    taken from the word symbiosis and we define its meaning as a body of
    dissimilar bodies and organisms living in deep and loving harmony and
    partnership in the best interests of all within the body".

    The SLA's goals were simple: "To unite all oppressed people into a fighting
    force and to destroy the system of the capitalist state and its value
    systems." The organisation crudely combined Marxist slogans, muddle-headed
    liberalism and a radical and, in the end, totally ineffective and woolly
    military strategy.

    But we have to remember this was the Sixties, and times, as Bob Dylan said,
    were a-changin'. The youth of America were in full rebellion against the
    war in Vietnam and sex, drugs and rock 'n roll became in themselves symbols
    of protest against the conservative US state.

    But at the core of the SLA's programme of action was a simple statement of
    intention that is no different from revolutionary guerrilla movements
    worldwide, from the African National Congress to the Zanla guerrillas in

    In April 1976, the SLA's leader, William Harris, told New Times magazine
    that "the SLA was based on the need to develop a guerrilla front with the
    idea that armed actions along with above-ground political organising
    educates and mobilises people in support of revolution".

    But, says Terry Anderson, who wrote The Movement and The Sixties, the SLA
    was "so over the edge that nobody wants to relate to them. By 1974, when
    the SLA kidnapped Patty Hearst, most historians felt the Movement had
    extinguished itself... the troops were coming home from Vietnam, the Paris
    Peace Accords had been signed. I just see these SLA people as leftover

    Certainly, SLA documents contain some typically Sixties injunctions. In
    their Codes of War of the United Symbionese Liberation Army, the SLA said
    it subscribed to the Geneva Convention in its treatment of captured
    "prisoners of war".

    But members could be disciplined if they took drugs like "heroin, speed,
    peyote, mescaline, reds, pep pills, whites, yellow jackets, bennies,
    dexies, goof balls, LSD and any other kind of hallucinatory drug". Alcohol
    and marijuana (dagga) were exempt.

    "The past has shown that once true revolutionaries have seriously
    undertaken revolutionary armed struggle, marijuana and alcohol are not used
    for recreational purposes or to dilute or blur the consciousness of
    reality, but very small amounts for medicinal purposes to calm nerves under
    times of tension, not to distort reality".

    So where did John Pape, the studious UCT academic, fit in? Firstly, it is
    important to understand that he was a recruit to the SLA, and not a
    founding member.

    According to Monday's San Francisco Chronicle, in the early '70s, "Kilgore
    was a fiery young radical, freshly minted from (University of California)
    Santa Barbara, where he had met and become the lover of Kathleen Soliah
    (now Olson) a former high school pep rally leader who, like Kilgore, had
    become radicalised in the heady ferment of anti-war and civil rights fever
    then sweeping American campuses. They came to Berkeley and soon joined
    other radicals who would ultimately form the SLA".

    The Berkeley campus of the University of California was at the epicentre of
    the anti-war movement, and was to produce some of America's finest radical
    thinkers of the era.

    The Los Angeles Times, in a July 30, 1995 article, reported speculation
    that Kilgore could be the notorious anti-technology "Unabomber" and said
    "those who knew him from the turbulent days of rebellion, arrest warrants
    and eventual flight from the law say Kilgore does not fit the stereotype of
    an anarchist bomber and is an improbable Unabom suspect" (in any case,
    Kilgore was in Johannesburg at the time).

    "Patty Hearst, an SLA kidnap victim who later helped rob a bank, described
    him in her book as a source of calm amid egocentric hotheads who made up
    the terrorist clan. She called Kilgore, a one-time graduate student in
    economics at UC Santa Barbara, the model of reason'."

    Hearst also wrote that Kilgore had vehemently argued against the use of
    firearms in the bank robbery the SLA carried out on April 21, 1975, during
    which customer Myrna Opsahl was killed when a shotgun was accidentally

    The LA Times quotes a former close friend of Kilgore's, Michael Bortin, as
    saying that of all the SLA members, "Jim Kilgore probably was the most
    level-headed". Bortin says Kilgore was a supporter, rather than a member,
    of the SLA, and he was "an idealist" who had considered entering the

    And an idealist he remained. While his SLA comrades assumed fairly ordinary
    suburban identities, Kilgore re-invented himself as John Pape, radical
    intellectual. He dropped out of sight in the US sometime in 1975, quite
    possibly using the "underground railroad" to first travel to Canada, and
    then onward, perhaps even to Australia, although this has not been verified.

    Shortly after Zimbabwean independence in 1979, he moved to that country -
    his girlfriend, Kathleen Soliah, who was arrested in 1999, was also in
    Zimbabwe then.

    He stayed in Zimbabwe from at least 1982 until 1991, teaching at high
    schools in Harare, at the Harare Polytechnic, and was a supervisory teacher
    at Avondale College, a night school for domestic workers.

    It was while he was in Zimbabwe that he met his future wife,
    fellow-American Theresa "Terri" Barnes. It was also while he was here that
    he wrote his PhD thesis on domestic workers in Zimbabwe, a PhD that was
    awarded by Deakin University in Victoria, Australia, in 1990 - although it
    is unclear whether or not he travelled to that country for the graduation

    About ten years ago he and Barnes moved to South Africa, where he first
    lectured in economics at Khanya College in Johannesburg, before accepting a
    post as a co-director of UCT's International Labour Resource and
    Information Group, Ilrig, in 1998.

    So much for the missing years: what about the ideology?

    If anything, Kilgore remained true to his SLA ideological framework and
    Marxist (some would argue neo-Marxist) roots, becoming a passionate
    campaigner against globalisation and privatisation, and for workers' rights.

    In an Opinion page article for Cape Times on August 27 last year, Pape
    wrote in defence of municipal workers striking against privatisation. "When
    workers go on strike this week, political and business leaders will condemn
    their actions as irresponsible," he wrote, concluding that "the only way to
    address their needs and to attack the scourge of poverty is to make
    government accountable for improving the public sector and to ensure that
    services are properly planned and resourced. I say let's join hands with
    them (the workers) to develop a more effective public sector in South Africa".

    In a June, 1998 presentation to the South African Democratic Teachers
    Union, Pape analyses the impact of government economic policy on education
    and slams current trends.

    Asking the question, "who benefits from neoliberalism?" he provides the
    answer that "the trends come from those who make profits and increase their
    power from this approach - the transnational corporations, the
    international financial institutions like the World Bank and International
    Monetary Fund, and rulers and elites of the industrialised countries, and a
    narrow layer of the wealthy and powerful from Africa, Asia and Latin America.

    "If we continue on this path, the end result of neoliberal economic
    policies will be education only for those who can afford it - in South
    Africa that will ultimately mean most whites and a small minority of the
    rest of the population."

    But the clearest indication that Pape/Kilgore has matured in his thinking
    way beyond the crude sloganeering and sloppy analysis of the SLA days is
    contained in a 1998 conference paper titled Down with Missionaries and
    Objective Academics: Some Thoughts on Political Education for Unions.

    In it he says "it is dishonest to pretend we don't have opinions, but it is
    also destructive to use our views as a sledgehammer to hit people over the
    head. Sledgehammer tactics will silence differing opinions. Not everyone
    with a dissident view has the confidence or will to debate the facilitator,
    especially if their opinions may not be shared with the majority...
    dissident views are very important to the learning process".

    A far cry from the Symbionese Liberation Army disciplinary code which
    included among its offences "lack of responsibility and determined
    decisiveness in following orders".

    Whatever James Kilgore did on that fateful day, 27 years ago, his
    colleagues and friends in South Africa to whom I have spoken in the past
    few days agree: if he is extradited to the United States, his influential
    thinking and, many say, the deep friendships he and Terri Barnes have made,
    will be sorely missed.

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