[sixties-l] United States War Crimes (fwd)

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    Date: Sat, 02 Feb 2002 19:23:54 -0800
    From: radtimes <resist@best.com>
    Subject: United States War Crimes

    United States War Crimes


    by Lenora Foerstel and Brian Willson
    Centre for Research on Globalisation (CRG)
    26 January 2002

    The issue of War Crimes emerged after World War I at the Versailles
    Conference, but it was not until the end of World War II that a more
    comprehensive definition of what constitutes war crimes was developed.
    First among new international conventions addressing war crimes was the
    1950 Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal. Its fundamental premise was that
    the conduct of war in violation of international treaties was a crime
    against peace. Ill treatment of prisoners of war, killing hostages, plunder
    of public or private property, wanton destruction of cities, towns, or
    villages was a war crime. Crimes against humanity include murder,
    extermination, deportation, and prosecution based on political, racial or
    religious grounds.

    The 1949 Geneva Convention gave recognition to the development of new
    technologies which exposed civilian life to greater threats of destruction.
    A 1977 addendum further emphasized the right of civilians to be protected
    against military operations. This included the protection of civilians
    against starvation as a method of warfare. Article II of the Geneva
    Convention addressed the issue of genocide, defined as killing or causing
    serious bodily harm to individuals based on their nationality, ethnic,
    racial or religious group and with the intent to destroy that group.

    Since the Geneva Convention, a number of other significant international
    treaties addressing war and human rights have been drafted, but the United
    States has rejected almost all of them. Among the treaties that the United
    States has refused to sign are the International Convention on Civil and
    Political Rights (1966); the Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural
    Rights (1966); the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial
    Discrimination (1966), and the American Convention on Human Rights (1965).

    The United States has been particularly reluctant to sign treaties
    addressing the "laws of war". It has refused to sign The Declaration on the
    Prohibition of the Use of Thermo-Nuclear Weapons (1961); The Resolution on
    the Non-Use of Force in International Relations and Permanent Ban on the
    Use of Nuclear Weapons (1972); The Resolution on the Definition of
    Aggression (1974); Protocols Additional to the 1949 Geneva Convention
    (1977); and the Declaration on the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons(1989).1
    Equally disturbing was the U.S. refusal to sign the Convention on Rights of
    the Child, introduced into the United Nations General assembly on November
    20, 1989 and subsequently ratified by 191 countries.
    The first use of atomic weapons against human beings occurred on August 6-9
    1945, when the United States incinerated the Japanese cities of Hiroshima
    and Nagasaki during World War II, killing an estimated 110,000 Japanese
    citizens and injuring another 130,000. By 1950 another 230,000 died from
    injuries and radiation. Earlier in 1945 two fire bombing raids on Tokyo
    killed 140,000 citizens and injured a million more.

    Since World War II the US has bombed twenty-three nations. Author William
    Blum notes:
    "It is sobering to reflect that in our era of instant world wide
    communications, the United States has, on many occasions, been able to
    mount a large or small scale military operation or undertake other equally
    blatant forms of intervention without the American public being aware of it
    until years later if ever."2
    The growing primacy or aerial bombardment in the conduct of war has
    inevitably defined non-combatants as the preferred target of war. Indeed,
    the combination of American air power and occupation ground forces has
    resulted in massive civilian casualties around the world.


    On August 15,1945, the Korean people, devastated and impoverished by years
    of brutality from Japanese occupation forces, openly celebrated their
    liberation and immediately formed the Committee for the Preparation of
    Korean Independence (CKPI). By August 28, 1945, all Korean provinces on the
    entire Peninsula had established local people's democratic committees, and
    on September 6, delegates from throughout Korea, north and south, created
    the Korean People's Republic (KPR). On September 7, the day after the
    creation of the KPR, General Douglas MacArthur, commander of the victorious
    Allied powers in the Pacific, formally issued a proclamation addressed "To
    the People of Korea." The proclamation announced that forces under his
    command "will today occupy the Territory of Korea south of 38 degrees north
    The first advance party of U.S. units, the 17th Regiment of the 7th
    Infantry Division, actually began arriving at Inchon on September 5th, two
    days before MacArthur's occupation declaration. The bulk of the US
    occupation forces began unloading from twenty-one Navy ships (including
    five destroyers) on September 8 through the port at Inchon under the
    command of Lieutenant General John Reed Hodge. Hundreds of black-coated
    armed Japanese police on horseback, still under the direction of Japanese
    Governor-General Abe Noabuyki, kept angry Korean crowds away from the
    disembarking US soldiers.
    On the morning of September 9, General Hodge announced that
    Governor-General Abe would continue to function with all his Japanese and
    Korean personnel. Within a few weeks there were 25,000 American troops and
    members of "civil service teams" in the country. Ultimately the number of
    US troops in southern Korea reached 72,000. Though the Koreans were
    officially characterized as a "semi-friendly, liberated" people, General
    Hodge regrettably instructed his own officers that Korea "was an enemy of
    the United States...subject to the provisions and the terms of the surrender."
    Tragically and ironically, the Korean people, citizens of the
    victim-nation, had become enemies, while the defeated Japanese, who had
    been the illegal aggressors, served as occupiers in alliance with the
    United States. Indeed, Korea was burdened with the very occupation
    originally intended for Japan, which became the recipient of massive U.S.
    aid and reconstruction in the post-war period. Japan remains, to this day,
    America's forward military base affording protection and intelligence for
    its "interests" in the Asia-Pacific region.
    Seventy-three-year-old Syngman Rhee was elected President of South Korea on
    May 10,1948 in an election boycotted by virtually all Koreans except the
    elite KDP and Rhee's own right -wing political groups. This event,
    historically sealing a politically divided Korea, provoked what became
    known at the Cheju massacre, in which as many as 70,000 residents of the
    southern island of Cheju were ruthlessly murdered during a single year by
    Rhee's paramilitary forces under the oversight of U.S. officers. Rhee took
    office as President on August 15 and the Republic of Korea (ROK) was
    formally declared. In response, three-and -a-half weeks later (on September
    9, 1948), the people of northern Korea grudgingly created their own
    separate government, the Democratic People's's Republic of Korea (DPRK),
    with Kim II Sung as its premier.
    Korea was now clearly and tragically split in two. Kim Il Sung had survived
    as a guerrilla fighter against the Japanese occupation in both China and
    Korea since 1932 when he was twenty years old. He was thirty-three when he
    returned to Pyongyang in October 1945 to begin the hoped-for era of
    rebuilding a united Korea free of foreign domination, and three years
    later, on September 9, 1948, he became North Korea's first premier. The
    Rhee/U.S. forces escalated their ruthless campaign of cleansing the south
    of dissidents, identifying as a suspected "communist" anyone who opposed
    the Rhee regime, publicly or privately. In reality, most participants or
    believers in the popular movement in the south were socialists unaffiliated
    with outside "communist" organizations.
    As the repression intensified, however, alliances with popular movements in
    the north, including communist organizations, increased. The Cheju
    insurgency was crushed by August 1949, but on the mainland, guerrilla
    warfare continued in most provinces until 1959-51. In the eyes of the
    commander of US military forces in Korea, General Hodge, and new
    "President" Syngman Rhee, virtually any Korean who had not publicly
    professed his allegiance to Rhee was considered a "communist" traitor. As a
    result, massive numbers of farmers, villagers and urban residents were
    systematically rounded up in rural areas, villages and cities throughout
    South Korea. Captives were regularly tortured to extract names of others.
    Thousands were imprisoned and even more thousands forced to dig mass graves
    before being ordered into them and shot by fellow Koreans, often under the
    watch of U.S. troops.
    The introduction of U.S./UN military forces on June 26,1950 occurred with
    no American understanding (except by a few astute observers such as
    journalist I.F Stone) that in fact they were entering an ongoing
    revolutionary civil war waged by indigenous Koreans seeking genuine
    independence after five years of U.S. interference. The American occupation
    simply fueled Korean passions even more while creating further divisions
    among them.
    In the Autumn of 1950, when U.S. forces were in retreat in North Korea,
    General Douglas MacArthur offered all air forces under his command to
    destroy "every means of communication, every installation, factory, city
    and village " from the Yalu River, forming the border between North Korea
    and China, south to the battle line. The massive saturation bombing
    conducted throughout the war, including napalm, incendiary, and
    fragmentation bombs, left scorched cities and villages in total ruins. As
    in World War II, the U.S. strategic bombing campaign brought mass
    destruction and shockingly heavy civilian casualties. Such tactics were in
    clear violation of the Nuremburg Charter, which had, ironically, been
    created after World War II, largely due to pressure from the U.S. The
    Nuremburg Tribunal defined "the wanton destruction of cities, towns or
    villages" to be a war crime and declared that Ainhumane acts against any
    civilian population" were a crime against humanity.
     From that fateful day on September 8, 1945 to the present, a period of 56
    years, U.S. military forces (currently numbering 37,000 positioned at 100
    installations) have maintained a continuous occupation in the south
    supporting de facto U.S. rule over the political, economic and military
    life of a needlessly divided Korea. This often brutal occupation and the
    persistent U.S. support for the repressive policies of dictatorial puppets
    continues to be the single greatest obstacle to peace in Korea, preventing
    the inevitable reunification of the Korean Peninsula.
    Until 1994, all of the hundreds of thousands of South Korean defense forces
    operated under direct U.S. command. Even today, although integrated into
    the Combined Forces Command (CFC), these forces automatically revert to
    direct US control when the US military commander in Korea determines that
    there is a state of war.

             Indonesia: (1958-1965)

    After 350 years of colonialism, President Sukarno, with the cooperation of
    the communist party (PKI), sought to make Indonesia an independent
    socialist democracy. Sukarno's working relationship with the PKI would not
    be tolerated by Washington. Under the direction of the CIA, rebels in the
    Indonesian army were armed, trained and equipped in preparation for a
    military coup. The Indonesian army's campaign against the PKI in 1965-66
    brought the dictator Suharto to power. Under his rule, teachers, students,
    civil servants and peasants were systematically executed. In Central and
    East Java alone, 60,000 were killed. In Bali, some 50,000 people were
    executed, and thousands more died in remote Indonesian villages. In some
    areas citizens were confined in Navy vessels which were then sunk to the
    bottom of the sea.
    The most extensive killing were committed against suspected PKI supporters
    identified by U.S. intelligence. Historian Gabriel Kollo states that the
    slaughter in Indonesia "ranks as a crime of the same type as the Nazi
    Recent revealed documents at George Washington University's National
    Security Archive confirmed how effectively the Indonesian army used the
    U.S.-prepared hit list against the Indonesian communist party in 1965-66.
    Among the documents cited is a 1966 airgram to Washington sent by U.S.
    ambassador Marshall Green stating that a list from the Embassy identifying
    top communist leaders was being used by the Indonesian security authorities
    in their extermination campaign.
    For example, the US Embassy reported on November 13,1965 that information
    sent to Suharto resulted in the killing of between 50 to 100 PKI members
    every night in East and Central Java. The Embassy admitted in an April 15,
    1966 airgram to Washington: "We frankly do not know whether the real figure
    for the PKI killed is closer to 100,000 or 1,000,000."4
    The Indonesian military became the instrument of another counter
    revolutionary offensive in 1975 when it invaded East Timor. On September
    7,1975, just 24 hours after the highest officials of the United States
    government, President Gerald Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger,
    had been in Djakarta on a state visit, 30,000 Indonesian troops landed in
    East Timor. Napalm, phosphorus bombs and chemical defoliants were delivered
    from US supplied planes and helicopters, resulting in the killing of tens
    of thousands of people, and the conflict continues to simmer.5

             Vietnam: (1954-1965)

    President Harry Truman began granting material aid to the French colonial
    forces in Indochina as early as 1946, and the aid was dramatically
    increased after the successful Chinese revolution in 1949 and the start of
    the "hot" Korean War in June 1950. By the time of the French army was
    defeated in 1954, the U.S. was paying nearly 80 percent of the French
    military expenditures and providing extensive air and logistical support.
    The unilateral U.S. military intervention in Vietnam began in 1954,
    immediately following the humiliating French defeat in early May 1954. The
    July 21, 1954 Geneva Agreement concluded the French war against the
    Vietnamese and promised them a unifying election, mandated for July 1956.
    The U.S. government knew that fair elections would, in effect, ensure a
    genuine democratic victory for revered Communist leader Ho Chi Minh. This
    was unacceptable. In June 1954, prior to the signing of the historic Geneva
    agreement, the U.S. began CIA-directed internal sabotage operations
    against the Vietnamese while setting up the puppet Ngo Dinh Diem (brought
    to Vietnam from the U.S.) as "our" political leader. No electrons were ever
    held. This set the stage for yet another war for Vietnamese independence,
    this time against U.S. forces and their South Vietnamese puppets.
    The significance of U.S. intentions to interfere with independence
    movements in Asia cannot be underestimated. U.S. National Security Council
    documents from 1956 declared that our national security would be endangered
    by communist domination of mainland Southeast Asia. Secret military plans
    stated that nuclear weapons will be used in general war and even in
    military operations short of general war. By March 1961, the Pentagon brass
    had recommended sending 60,000 soldiers to western Laos supported by air
    power that would include, if necessary, nuclear weapons, to assure that the
    Royal Laotian government would prevail against the popular insurgency being
    waged against it. For the next ten years the U.S. unleashed forces that
    caused (and continue to cause ) an incomprehensible amount of devastation
    in Vietnam and the rest of Southeast Asia.
    Eight million tons of bombs (four times the amount used by the U.S. in all
    of World War II) were dropped indiscriminately, leaving destruction which,
    if laid crater to crater, would cover an area the size of the state of
    Maine. Eighty percent of the bombs fell on rural areas rather than military
    targets, leaving ten million craters. Nearly 400,000 tons of napalm was
    dropped on Vietnamese villages. There was no pretense of distinguishing
    between combatants and civilians.
    The callous designation of as much as three-fourths of South Vietnam as a
    "free fire zone" justified the murder of virtually anyone in thousands of
    villages in those vast areas. At the time, Defense Secretary Robert S.
    McNamara cited a 1967 memo in which he estimated the number of Vietnamese
    civilians killed or seriously injured by U.S. forces at 1000 per week. The
    CIA=s Phoenix program alone killed as many as 70,000 civilians who were
    suspected of being part of the political leadership of the Viet Cong in the
    There was a historically unprecedented level of chemical warfare in
    Vietnam, including the indiscriminate spraying of nearly 20 million gallons
    of defoliants on one-seventh the area of South Vietnam. The vestigial
    effects of chemical warfare poisoning continue to plague the health of
    adult Vietnamese (and ex-GIs) while causing escalated birth defects.
    Samples of soil, water, food and body fat of Vietnamese citizens continue
    to reveal dangerously elevated levels of dioxin to the present day.
    Today, Vietnamese officials estimate the continued dangerous presence of
    3.5 million landmines left from the war as well as 300,000 tons of
    unexploded ordnance. Tragically, these hidden remnants of war continue to
    explode when farmers plow their fields or children play in their
    neighborhoods, killing thousands each year. The Vietnamese report 40,000
    people killed since 1975 by landmines and buried bombs. That means that
    each day, 4 or 5 Vietnamese civilians are killed day by U.S. ordnance.
    The U.S. and its allies killed as many as 5 million Southeast Asian
    citizens during the active war years. The numbers of dead in Laos and
    Cambodia remain uncounted, but as of 1971, a congressional Research Service
    report prepared for the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee indicated
    that over one million Laotians had been killed, wounded, or turned into
    refugees, with the figure for Cambodia estimated two million. More than a
    half million "secret" US bombing missions over Laos, begun in late 1964,
    devastated populations of ancient cultures there. Estimates indicate that
    around 230,000 tons of bombs were dropped over northern Laos in 1968 and
    1969 alone. Increasing numbers of U.S. military personnel were added to the
    ground forces in Laos during 1961, preparing for major military operations
    to come.
    The "secret" bombing of Cambodia began in March 1969, and an outright land
    invasion of Cambodia was conducted from late April 1970 through the end of
    June, causing thousand of casualties. These raging U.S. covert wars did not
    cease until August 14, 1973, by which time countless additional casualties
    were inflicted. When the bombing in Cambodia finally ceased, the U.S. Air
    Force had officially recorded the use of nearly 260,000 tons of bombs
    there. The total tonnage of bombs dropped in Laos over eight and a half
    years exceeded two million.
    The consensus today is that more than 3 million Vietnamese were killed,
    with 300,000 additional missing in action and presumed dead. In the process
    the U.S. lost nearly 59,000 of her own men and women, with about 2,000
    additional missing, while combatants from four U.S. allies lost over 6,000
    more. The South Vietnamese military accounted for nearly 225,000 dead. All
    of this carnage was justified in order to destroy the basic rights and
    capacity of the Vietnamese to construct their own independent, sovereign
    society. None of the victims deserved to die in such a war. Vietnamese,
    Laotians, Cambodians, and U.S. military "grunts" were all victims.
    All of these corpses were created to perpetuate an incredible lie and to
    serve a "cause" that had been concocted by white male plutocrats in
    Washington, many of whom possessed Ph.Ds from prestigious universities.
    Like most of their predecessors throughout U.S. history, these politicians
    and their appointees, along with their profit-hungry arms makers/dealers,
    desired to assure the destruction of people's democratic movements in East
    Asia that threatened the virtually unlimited American hegemony over
    markets, resources, and the profits to be derived therefrom. But never did
    a small country suffer so much from an imperial nation as the Vietnamese
    did from the United States.


    The royal family in Kuwait was used by the United States government to
    justify a massive assault on Iraq in order to establish permanent dominion
    over the Gulf. The Gulf War was begun not to protect Kuwait but to
    establish US power over the region and its oil.6 In 1990, General
    Schwarzkopf had testified before the Senate that it was essential for the
    U.S. to increase its military presence in the Gulf in order to protect
    Saudi Arabia. However, satellite photos showed no Iraqi troops near the
    Saudi Border.
    After Iraq announced that it was going to annex Kuwait, the United States
    began its air attacks on Iraq. For 42 days the US sent in 2000 sorties a
    day. By February 13,1991, 1,500 Iraqi citizens had been killed. President
    George Bush ordered the destruction of facilities essential to civilian
    life and economic production.
    The Red Crescent Society of Jordan announced at the end of the war that
    113,00 civilians were dead and sixty percent were women and children. Some
    of the worst devastation was wrought by the US military's use of Depleted
    Uranium (DU) on battlefields and in towns and cities across Iraq. It left a
    legacy of radioactive debris which has resulted in serious environmental
    contamination and health problems, particularly among Iraqi children. Child
    mortality rates have risen by 380 percent. Between August 1990 and August
    1997 some 1.2 million children in Iraq died due to environmental
    devastation and the harsh economic sanctions imposed in 1991. Not satisfied
    with such havoc, the U.S. and Britain have recently sought to tighten the
    blockade against Iraq by imposing so-called :"smart sanctions." This would
    continue the aggression against northern and southern Iraq and lead to the
    deaths of more women, children and elderly.

             Yugoslavia: (1991-1999)

    The United States and Germany prepared plans for the dismemberment of
    Yugoslavia in the late 1980's and have since reconfigured Yugoslavia into
    mini-states, with only Serbia and Montenegro remaining in the Yugoslav
    federation, a situation which has opened the way to the re-colonization of
    the Balkans.
    In 1991, the European Community, with US involvement, organized a
    conference on Yugoslavia that called for the separation, sovereignty and
    independence of the republics of Yugoslavia. President George Bush's
    administration passed the 1991 Foreign Operations Act, which provided aid
    to the individual republics, but cut off all aid to Belgrade, the capitol
    of Yugoslavia. This stimulated the eventual secession of Slovenia, Croatia,
    Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. With secession came civil wars. Ethnic
    Serbs living in Croatia had been loyal to that Yugoslav republic, but great
    power meddling now forced them to defend
    their region in Croatia known as Krajina. The U.S. covertly provided arms,
    training, advisors, satellite intelligence and air power to the Croats in
    "Operation Storm" directed against the helpless Serbs in Krajina. When the
    bombing began, the Krajina Serbs fled to Belgrade and Bosnia. Approximately
    250,000 Serbs were thus ethnically cleansed from the Krajina and all
    evidence of Serb habitation was systematically destroyed. Civilians were
    executed, livestock slaughtered and houses were burnt to the ground.7
    To avoid a similar human catastrophe in Bosnia/Herzegovina, Bosnian Serbs
    consolidated Serb-owned lands, an area constituting about two thirds of
    Bosnia/Herzegovina. Germany and the U.S. quickly aided the military
    alliance of Bosnian Muslims and Croats against the Serbs, and , supported
    by American bombing and regular army forces from Croatia, the Muslim/Croat
    alliance soon swept the Serbs from the majority of Bosnia/Herzegovina. As
    in the Krajina, the conflict forced ethnic Serbs off of their lands,
    creating one hundred thousand Serb refugees.
    Under the U.S.-brokered Dayton Agreement, Bosnia/Herzegovina was divided
    into two parts, a Muslim-Croat Federation and Republica Srpska. The central
    government today is controlled by US/NATO forces, the IMF, and
    international NGOs. With no history of independence, Bosnia/Herzegovina's
    economic assets have been taken over by foreign investors who now own their
    energy facilities, water, telecommunication, media and transportation.
    The effects of the Bosnian civil war on the city of Srebrenica were
    reported extensively in the western media. Reports claimed that 7,414
    Bosnian Muslims were executed by the Serbian army. After years of
    searching, digging and extensive investigations, only seventy bodies were
    found, but the original charges of genocide are still circulated in the media.
    Kosovo, an autonomous region of Serbia, is the site of the most recent, and
    perhaps most disastrous, U.S. military intervention. Kosovo's problems
    began after World War II when immigrants from Albania flooded into the
    region, sparking political confrontation between Albanians and Serbs.
    escalated into military conflict. The "Kosovo Liberation Army, an Albanian
    terrorist/separatist group, escalated tensions by directing their violence
    against not only Serbian civilians, but Albanian who refused to join their
    cause. As the war intensified, a United Nations team of observers in the
    Kosovo village of Racak found 44 Albanian bodies.
    The Serbs identified them as KLA fighters killed during one of the now
    frequent gun battles with police. William Walker, a US diplomat, who had
    earlier acted as an apologist for the death squads in El Salvador, led a
    group of journalists to view the bodies, and their subsequent claims of
    Serb war crimes made world-wide headlines.8
    President Clinton used this event to bring delegates form the contending
    forces in Bosnia to Rambouillet, and the proposed Ramboullet Accords served
    as a prelude to U.S. intervention in Kosovo. The accords, if accepted,
    would have allowed NATO forces complete access to all of Yugoslavia, a
    virtual foreign occupation, with all associated costs to be borne by the
    Yugoslav government. As the Ramboullet negotiations began to stall, U.S.
    Secretary of State Madeline Albright ordered the bombing of Yugoslavia to
    On March 16, 1999, twenty three thousand missiles and bombs were dropped on
    a country of eleven million people. Thirty five thousand cluster bombs,
    graphite bombs and 31,000 rounds of depleted uranium weapons were used, the
    latter scattering radioactive waste throughout the Yugoslav countryside.
    The 78 day bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia targeted schools,
    hospitals, farms, bridges, roads communication centers, and waterways.
    Because a large number of chemical plants and oil refineries bombed by
    US/NATO planes were located on the banks of the Danube river, the bombing
    of these industrial sites polluted the Danube, a source of drinking water
    for ten million people in the region. The environmental damage done to the
    soil, water and air of Yugoslavia soon spread to Hungary, Bulgaria,
    Romania, Macedonia, Greece and Italy. Countries like Russia, Ukraine and
    Georgia, which border on the Black Sea, into which the Danube empties, also
    continue to face health hazards.


    "The Bush-Afghan war calls up memories of the Vietnam War in both actions
    and rhetoric, the massive use of superior arms heavily impacting civilians,
    deliberate food deprivation, wholesale terror allegedly combating
    'terrorism', but always sincere regrets for collateral damages."9
    Since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack on the World Trade Center in
    New York City, the U.S. has waged a merciless war against the Afghan
    people, using chemical, biological and depleted uranium (DU) weapons. The
    use of DU continues to spread radiation throughout large parts of
    Afghanistan and will affect tens of thousands of people in generations to
    come, causing lung cancer, leukemia and birth defects. DU was also used
    against Iraq and Yugoslavia, where the frequency of cancer has tripled.
    The bombing of the Afghan population has forced thousands of civilians to
    flee to Pakistan and Iran, and seven to eight million civilians are facing
    starvation. UNICEF spokesman Eric Larlcke has stated, "As many as 100,000
    more children will die in Afghanistan this winter unless food reaches them
    in sufficient quantities in the next six weeks."10
    The racist underpinnings of the American world-view allows the American
    press and its political leaders to be silent on the mass killing of Third
    World children. Donald Rumsfeld, the U.S. Secretary of Defense, has stated
    that the U.S. is not looking to negotiate peace with the Taliban and
    Al-Quida in Afghanistan. There is a clear indifference to the daily carnage
    in Afghanistan, where sixty percent of the casualties are women and
    children. Human rights organizations have expressed concern over reports
    of large-scale executions of would-be Taliban defectors in the city of
    Kunduz, and the United Nations has echoed human rights groups in demanding
    an investigation into the slaughter of prisoners at the Qala-i-Jhangi fort
    near Mazar-i-Sharif. With more than 500 people dead and the fort littered
    with bodies, allegations of war crimes against the U.S. and UK for ignoring
    the Geneva Convention on the treatment of prisoners of war have led the
    United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson, to call
    for an urgent inquiry.
    "Once we recognize the pattern of activity designed to simultaneously
    consolidate control over Middle Eastern and South Asian oil and contain and
    colonize the former Soviet Union, Afghanistan is exactly where they need to
    go to pursue that agenda."11
    In his book The Grand Chessboard, Zbigniew Brezezinski writes that the
    Eurasian Balkans are a potential economic prize which hold an enormous
    concentration of natural gas and oil and important minerals as well as
    gold. Brezezinski declares that the Central Asian region and the Caspian
    Sea basin are "known to contain reserves of natural gas and oil that dwarf
    those of Kuwait, the Gulf of Mexico, or the North Sea."12 Afghanistan will
    serve as a base of operations to begin the control over the South Asian
    Republic in order to build a pipeline through Turkmenistan, Afghanistan and
    Pakistan to deliver petroleum to the Asian market. This pipeline will
    serve as a bonanza of wealth for the US oil companies.


    An examination of the American conduct of its wars since World War II shows
    the US to be in violation of the Nuremberg Principles, the 1949 Geneva
    Convention relating to protection of civilian prisoners of war, the wounded
    and sick, and the amended Nuremberg Principles as formulated by the
    International Law Commission in 1950 proscribing war crimes and crimes
    against humanity. The massive murder and destruction of civilian
    infrastructure through the use of biological, chemical and depleted uranium
    weapons violates not only international laws but the moral and humanitarian
    standards expected in modern civilization.
    1. Ward Churchill, A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial
    in the Americas, 1942 to the Present. San Francisco: City Lights Books,
    1977, p. 371.
    2. William Blum, Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Intervention Since
    World War II, Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1995, p. 17.
    3. Gabriel Kollo, AWar Crimes and the Nature of the Vietnam War,
    Bertrand Russell Foundation,
    4. George Washington University's National Security Archive, July 27,
    2001, www.Narchives.org
    5. Deirdre Griswold, Indonesia: the Second Greatest Crime of the
    Century, 2d edition.
    New York: World View Publishers, 1979, p. vii.
    6. Ramsey Clark, The Fire This Time: U.S. War Crimes in the Gulf. New
    Thunder's Mouth Press, 1992, p. 3.
    7. Scott Taylor, INAT: Images of Serbia and the Kosovo Conflict.
    OttAwa, Canada:
    Espirit de Corps Books, 2000, p. 15.
    8. Michael Parenti, To Kill a Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia. New
    York: Verso, 2000, p. 106.
    9. Edward Herman, A Genocide as Collateral Damage, but with Sincere
    Regrets, Centre for Research on Globalisation (CRG) at
    http://globalresearch.ca , 2001
    10. 100,000 Afghan Children Could Die This Winter, The Times of India,
    October 16, 2001.
    11. Stan Goff, A September 11th Analysis, October 27, 2001,
    12. Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its
    Geostrategic Imperative, New York: Harper

    Lenora Foerstel is author of War, Lies & Videotape: How media monopoly
    stifles truth.

    Brian Willson is a Vietnam war veteran, peace activist and author. Brian
    Willson has
    carefully documented the balance sheet of US government war crimes in
    Vietnam and
    Korea. <http://brianwillson.com/>

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