-- Michel Lenoble | Litterature Comparee | NOUVELLE ADRESSE - NEW E-MAIL ADDRESS Universite de Montreal | ---> lenoblem@ere.umontreal.ca C.P. 6128, Succ. "A" | MONTREAL (Quebec) | Tel.: (514) 288-3916 Canada - H3C 3J7 | (2) --------------------------------------------------------------34---- Date: Fri, 19 Jun 92 14:36:52 EDT From: Eric Rabkin <USERGDFD@UMICHUM.BITNET> Subject: 6.0091 More Rs: On 'Discovery' (2/28) > My point is simply : there is no difference between something that has > no impact and something that doesn't exist. This comment, re "discovery" of the Americas, seems to suggest that "impact" = "existence" ("Thus I refute Berkeley," and all that). I personally have no doubt that there resurrection of Jesus did not happen. (I know others have doubts and yet others are sure it did happen; that's not the point here.) Yet I also acknowledge that the belief/knowledge/faith/etc (depending on the person involved) in/of/in/etc that resurrection has had enormous impact. I also know/believe in cultural history (malleable though it may be) while some of my students seem not to (Only 1/3 assert that they have read even one page of the Bible, the most influential text in their culture), yet that history clearly has an impact on them, albeit they might not be able to disentangle that impact from all the other factors shaping them and their world. In short, the impact= existence equation seems to me to undercut the whole notion of phenomenology even as it seems to assume all extant phenomena as and only as acts of consciousness--and this strikes me as profoundly mistaken. "There are more things in heaven and earth..." Eric Eric Rabkin esrabkin@umichum.bitnet Department of English esrabkin@um.cc.umich.edu University of Michigan office: 313-764-2553 Ann Arbor MI 48109-1045 dept : 313-764-6330 (3) --------------------------------------------------------------91---- Date: Sat, 20 Jun 92 13:00:48 -0230 From: NNTP server account <usenet@morgan.ucs.mun.ca> Subject: R: "Discovery" - who cares? I do! I've been following the discussion on Pre-Columbian "discovery" with some interest (there's a similar discussion going on on the SOC.HISTORY news network. Marc Eisinger triggered much of the discussion when he observed a) that there was no proof for pre- Columbian contact and b) even if such contact did occur, "who cares?" Since then, Eisinger has conceded that there is proof that the Norse had made it at least as far as Newfoundland. The saga tradition which described Norse voyages has been confirmed archaeologically at L'Anse aux Meadows. Structural remains, artifacts, and evidence that bog iron was smelted there, provide irrefutable proof. The archaeologists are careful to avoid identifying this site as the "Vinland" of Leif Eriksson; all the evidence indicates that L'Anse aux Meadows was an encampment used for a few seasons at best. While women may have been present (often a sign of permanence or semi-permanence), the site was probably an iron-smelting work camp (lots of nails have been found). "Vinland," if it existed as an actual place and not a general region, has not yet been found. But proof of Norse habitation, even if only for a short while, does not signify "discovery," and I tend to concur with Eisinger's basic point. On the SOC.HISTORY network, I cited Daniel Boorstin's "The Discoverers" (NY: Random House, 1983), p. 215, where he says that "The Vikings were probably the first European settlers in America, which is far from saying that they 'discovered' America .... What they did in America did not change their own or anybody else's view of the world. Was there ever before so long a voyage ... that made so little difference? There was practically no feedback from the Vinland voyages. What is most remarkable is not that the Vikings actually reached America, but that they reached America and even settled there for a while without _discovering_ America." John E. Koontz argues that the Norse exploitation of Newfoundland and other parts of North America enabled their Greenland colonies to survive. Yet those colonies eventually died out, so Eisinger's basic point remains valid. Of course, there is some suggestion that Columbus visited Iceland years before his 1492 voyage, heard stories about the Greenland and Vinland experiences, and thus became convinced in his theory that Asia (for what else could it be) could be reached by crossing the Atlantic. But here, too, strong evidence is lacking, and the stories Columbus may have heard, were by then more myth and legend than irrefutable evidence. What disturbs me about Eisinger's position is his "who cares?" remark. I expect more from somebody on the HUMANIST network. The Norse experience was real, and though it failed to lead to sustained contact, that failure itself is worth studying. Thomas McGovern looked at that experience in "The Vinland Adventure: A North Atlantic Perspective," NORTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGIST II: 4(1980/81): 285-308; he provides a convincing case for Norse "strategic overstretch," and thereby improves our understanding of economic, social and political conditions in the medieval Norse North Atlantic. For others, interested in early seventeenth century North American colonization efforts, the Norse experience in North America provides useful points of comparison. The high mortality rates, the importance of limiting factors of an environmental nature, the nature and quality of Norse shipping as a factor in their lack of success, the friction with indigenous people, these are all discussed by McGovern. In short, the abortive Norse experience in trans-Atlantic expansion helps explain why the "discovery" of the Americas did not occur earlier; it reinforces the point that Columbus owed much of his success to the social, economic, technological, political, and intellectual developments of the fifteenth century. I am appalled that anyone would respond to improvements in our understanding of the past with "who cares?"